Queering Diasporic Desi Solidarity: South Asian Activism in US and UK Multiracial Social Movements

This article explores the linkages between queerness, racialization, activism, and community care in the South Asian diaspora. It examines activism, organizing, and social movement work practiced by queer diasporic South Asians in the UK and the United States. By analyzing the South Asian activist relationship to, and solidarity and partnership with, Black liberation activism, this article conceptualizes a framing of queer South Asian diasporic solidarity. This solidarity is framed through contrasting articulations of joint struggle, allyship, and kinship in queer communities. To articulate this struggle, the article contrasts histories of South Asian racialization, politicization, and queerness in the UK and the United States, and synthesizes first-person activist accounts of modern-day queer South Asian activists in the diaspora. Finally, it argues that queer feminist South Asian activists in both countries are employing a model of queered solidarity with Black activists and Black liberation, though in differing forms in each country, that centers queer intimacies and anti-patriarchal modes of organizing for liberation across queer communities of color.

A crusade and the crowd of the dead: Understanding the logic of the U.S. right's attack's on public education

Recognizing that the American right, and specifically the Christian right, has achieved disproportionate power over shaping the landscape of education policy and political culture, the following engages in a twofold analysis of schooling in the United States. We consider the structural transformations that are being enacted as a result of the proliferation of (Christian) public charters and other privatization efforts as well as reactionary undertakings that have purposefully targeted the daily life of schools from administration to curriculum and pedagogy since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic (for example: disruptions at school board meetings, threatening school officials, anti-LGBTQ and anti-anti-racism hysteria, among others). We put these minoritarian interjections in conversation with Elias Canetti's "crowd of the dead” and consider the effects of this political activity in producing civic and social death while seeking to destabilize public institutions and institutional arrangements that should safeguard against the manufacturing of (civic) death. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Review of Education, Pedagogy & Cultural Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

QUASI-MILITANT DEMOCRACY AS A NEW FORM OF SACRED IN POLAND DURING THE CORONA CRISIS

This article aims to explore the political mythology created by the Polish government and its subservient organizations with an aim to legitimize quasi-militant democracy as a new form of sacred in the populist discourse during the pandemic. Drawing on theories of political myths and on intertextual qualitative document analysis, the research shows that the sacred appeared in political myths which proved to be an efficient means of gaining public support for all sorts of efforts that undermine democracy. The conspiracy myth established social divisions and produced effects along with the interrelated myths of the savior, unity, and the golden age. The government took on the role of a savior whose mission was to deliver Poles "the people" from the hostile "others" that put their lives and health at risk. Those who desire social and economic help and do not want to be excluded from the community, must submit to the yoke of the savior. The unity myth rested on the vision of Poles as the government's followers who exposed and reported transgressions for the good of the community. All the limitations to which Poles complied and the denunciatory actions they took were oriented towards the golden age of a strong state, providing social and economic security unique in the post-pandemic world.

"What the bourgeois does complaining... The fascist does smiling”: neo-fascism, international capital, associated bourgeoisie and the Brazilian Unified Health System

This study carries out a critical review by dialectically rehearsing the relationship between international capital, neo-fascism and its repercussions in Brazil, in general, and in public health, in particular. In this sense, this study is divided into three sections. The first section deals with the role of the capital crisis as a trigger for fascism in a Marxist tradition. The second section addresses how neo-fascism emerges as a response to capitalist dynamics in the neoliberal phase of capitalism. And the third section presents some relations between the associated bourgeoisie and its interests in defunding the Unified Health System and taking advantage of the Covid-19 pandemic to take over the government genocidal project. © 2022 Edipucrs. All rights reserved.

Beyond the Paranoid Style - Fascism, Radical Right and the Myth of Conspiracy Fifth Convention of the International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies (comfas)

Following two years of online events, from the 14 to 16 September 2022 the fifth annual Convention of the International Association for Comparative Fascist Studies (COMFAS) took place in Florence. The title of the conference 'Beyond the Paranoid Style: Fascism, Radical Right and the Myth of Conspiracy' presented a framework for a wide variety of reflections that were both historically grounded and timely. After all, in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, many scholars have had new experiences of the impact of conspiracy theory thinking. © 2022 Copyright 2022 by Paul Jackson.

Ruling Abstractions and Unruly Spaces

Olga Tokarczuk, The Book of Jacob A character in Olga Tokarczuk's magnificent novel The Book of Jacob refers to the time that is "not yet" historical;a time that is, in some ways, frozen, and as such excluded from the developmentalist and civilizationist historical narratives. Since its inception, the world-systems perspective has been concerned with the problem of historical time. In world-systems analysis, time and space are seen as substantive properties of social relations, and the network of relations that comprises the capitalist world economy produces its own temporal spatial and temporal configurations. [...]Çaǧrı Ídiman in the second part of his essay on Tributary World-Ecologies, brings into sharper historical relief the distinctive element of capitalist worldecology, distinguished from other world-ecologies by simultaneous transformation of productive relation and mode of appropriation of labor and nature.

Disjointed Times in "Climate-Smart" Amazonia

What does it mean to resort to neoliberal environmental approaches to heal the socio-ecological devastation wrought by fascistic forces? In Brazil extremist right-wing efforts to impose sovereign state rule over Amazonia have resulted in rampant deforestation, violence against forest peoples, and a catastrophic COVID-19 pandemic. Some environmentalists suggest that escaping such devastation means returning to previous neoliberal policies such as "climate-smart agriculture" (CSA) that were promoted as a way to open a future of endless economic expansion and forest preservation. Rejecting the choice between fascistic and neoliberal environmental approaches, this article examines the future-oriented work of Amazonian environmentalists who grapple with "disjointed times" in which economic and ecological trends resist harmonization. Attentive to multispecies and multi-temporal dynamics, they suggest ways to avoid a temporal trap wherein the catastrophic failure of anthropocentric future-making projects always calls for yet another anthropocentric future-making project.

[National populism and fascism in a comparative historical perspective. Max Weber's sociology of domination revisitedComparaison historique entre national-populisme et fascisme. Sur l'actualité de la sociologie de la domination de Max Weber]. / Nationalpopulismus und Faschismus im historischen Vergleich. Zur Aktualität von Max Webers Herrschaftssoziologie.

The rise of rightwing populism in the last decade, but more recently also the seemingly "authoritarian" measures taken by the state in protection against the COVID-19 pandemic, inspire ever more frequent comparisons with historical fascism. The paper discusses to what extent such a diachronic comparison is empirically and methodologically sound. The analysis is based in Max Weber's concept of "ideal type", which can be used as a tertium comparationis. The concept of "fascist minimum", which systematizes the structural features of fascist movements and regimes, provides a standard of comparison that combines theoretical rigor and empirical substance. Applying the concept of "fascist minimum", the article examines if and to what extent current tendencies of and in German politics deserve to be called "fascist".

La montée du populisme de droite au cours de la dernière décennie, mais aussi les récentes mesures étatiques de lutte contre la pandémie de coronavirus perçues comme « autoritaires ¼, ont suscité une augmentation des comparaisons avec le fascisme historique dans différents camps politiques. Cet article pose la question de savoir dans quelle mesure une telle comparaison diachronique est empiriquement solide et par là même pertinente. Sur le plan méthodologique, l'argumentation s'inspire du concept wébérien d'idéal-type qui peut être utilisé comme tertium comparationis. Le concept sociologique de « minimum fasciste ¼, qui agrège les caractéristiques structurelles générales des mouvements et régimes fascistes, constitue une échelle de référence théoriquement plus robuste et empiriquement plus consistante. Adoptant la perspective analytique du « minimum fasciste ¼, cet article examine si et, le cas échéant, dans quelle mesure les tendances actuelles de la politique et de l'État en Allemagne présentent des traits « fascistes ¼.

1938: reforma universitaria, higiene social y antifascismo en la UNLP. Itinerarios, militancias y publicidades en torno a las conmemoraciones del '18

Keywords ;social hygiene;anti-fascism;intellectual history;argentine intellectuals;university militancy;memory;recent past;intellectual materiality;meaning networks. Sin embargo, un estudio juicioso de las cavilaciones expuestas en sus ciento cuarenta y seis páginas puede dar herramientas para la comprensión del presente que hoy enfrentamos;en ellas, y esta es su mayor apuesta, el lector encuentra una reedición facsimilar del número de la revista bajo análisis, lo que da elementos de trabajo importantes para el análisis material. En este momento, más de ochenta años después, la higiene recupera su lugar en la configuración de la vida social, cuando una pandemia como la del COVID-19 nos convoca al distanciamiento social y a extremar medidas higiénicas como primera disposición para combatir la proliferación del virus.

CONFRONTING RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION IN UKRAINE: A TANGLED SKEIN

In a surprise move in February 2021, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, President of Ukraine, closed down three pro-Russian television channels and imposed sanctions on their owners. This was unprecedented, both from the point of view of being an infringement on freedom of speech (or of disinformation) and of the use of sanctions in the domestic context, usually aimed at foreign entities or persons. Nor was the timing evidently opportune, in the absence of any apparent trigger. As one Ukrainian journalist expressed it: "Why had Ukraine hesitated to sanction top-tier pro-Russian actors before and can current measures blunt Russian influence on Ukrainian politics?"2 Since Russian disinformation in Ukraine has been a constant factor since independence, particularly following the orange Revolution, this article sets out to assess the rationale for Zelenskyy's abrupt action within the context of Ukrainian politics and its possible effectiveness.

The Market Lives on Death: The Endocolonizing Logic of the Fascist Moment

This article poses the question of whether what we are witnessing today can be properly described as “fascistic.” It argues that it can if we understand fascism as an attack on liberal-democracy resulting from the now chronic (rather than acute) crisis of capitalism. Like the fascism of the twentieth century, this entails an endocolonizing logic that nonetheless relinquishes its claim on a future increasingly imperilled by the nature of the Covid-19 pandemic in the context of the impending climate emergency. © 2021, Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. All rights reserved.

Crises and Contestations: The Promise and Peril of Designing a Green New Deal

It is clear that we are facing a tipping point in global politics, climate change and social justice. Much has been trumpeted under the banner of the 'Green New Deal'. Billy Fleming, the Wilks Family Director of the Ian L McHarg Center at the Weitzman School of Design, University of Pennsylvania, describes the history and various approaches encompassed within this ubiquitous epithet and how designers can get involved.

A THEOLOGICAL ESSAY on POLITICS and the CHRISTIAN SELF-UNDERSTANDING

On January 27, 2020, 75 years have passed since the liberation of the extermination camps of Auschwitz-Birkenau. The second half of the last century was deeply impacted for what happened there, and thus giving rise to a whole cultural, philosophical, political and also theological reflection which enhanced some paradigm-shifts, but above all a meditation on the self-understanding of those types of thought. Three quarters of a century passed we face now a global crisis situation generated by the Covid-19 Pandemic. From some decades now, a reincarnation of the everlasting fascism, or Ur-Fascism, as Umberto Eco has called it, is being carried on, sometimes timidly and sometimes impudently. Some traditionalist sectors (and others more naïve) of the churches often feel attracted to it. Not being apolitical, Christianity is called to exercise its prophetic vocation, albeit the critical distance it must keep regarding the power, and thus to announce the Kingdom of God and denounce its opponents, who come frequently disguised as pious sheep, but are no more than ferocious wolves (cf. Mt 7: 15). © 2021 Instituto Teologico de Murcia. All rights reserved.